The Paris Comunne (1871)
The Paris Commune remains one of the most significant events in the history of the French working class. From the uprising on March 18 to the “Bloody Week” at the end of May, Paris was governed by democratic organs of workers who sought to reorganize society on entirely new foundations, free from exploitation and oppression. The lessons of these events continue to resonate today, offering insights into the dynamics of revolutionary movements and the challenges faced by those who attempt to build a society based on equality and social justice.
Historical Background and the Road to the Commune
In 1851, twenty years before the Paris Commune, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte seized power through a coup, establishing the Second French Empire. Initially, his regime appeared unshakable, effectively suppressing labor organizations and curtailing political dissent. However, by the late 1860s, the Empire was showing signs of decay. Economic stagnation, military failures in Italy, Crimea, and Mexico, and the resurgence of the labor movement significantly weakened the imperial regime. The Franco-Prussian War, declared by Napoleon III in July 1870, was seen as a desperate attempt to bolster the crumbling Empire. However, this gamble ended disastrously. By September 2, Napoleon III was captured along with 75,000 soldiers near Sedan, marking the end of the Second Empire.
War and Revolution: A Catalyst for Change
War often acts as a catalyst for revolution. It disrupts daily routines and thrusts ordinary people into the arena of great historical events. Defeat, in particular, exposes the incompetence and corruption of ruling elites, making them vulnerable to popular revolt. The swift collapse of Napoleon III’s military adventure in the Franco-Prussian War ignited massive protests in Paris, demanding the abolition of the Empire and the establishment of a democratic republic.
Faced with mounting pressure from the streets, moderate republican opposition leaders proclaimed the Republic on September 4 and formed the Government of National Defense. Jules Favre, the Foreign Minister, famously declared that not an inch of French soil or a single stone from France’s fortresses would be surrendered to the Prussians. Yet, despite such lofty rhetoric, the government was not genuinely committed to defending Paris. The city, besieged by German forces, became a crucible of revolutionary fervor.
The National Guard and the Seeds of Rebellion
Initially, Parisian workers supported the new government in the name of national unity against the foreign invader. However, as the siege dragged on, discontent grew. The National Guard, a militia of 200,000 men largely composed of armed workers, was prepared to defend the city. However, the government saw these armed workers as a greater threat to the interests of the French bourgeoisie than the Prussian army outside the city gates. In secret, the government sought a quick surrender while outwardly proclaiming its resolve to fight on.
As weeks passed, tensions escalated. Rumors of negotiations with Bismarck spread, fueling anger among Parisian workers. On October 8, a demonstration erupted in response to the fall of Metz. On October 31, several units of the National Guard stormed the Hôtel de Ville (City Hall) and briefly occupied it. However, at this stage, the workers were not yet ready for a decisive confrontation, and the insurrection quickly fizzled out.
The Surrender and the Growing Divide
The social and economic impact of the siege was devastating. By January 19, 1871, following a failed counterattack at Buzenval, General Trochu resigned. His successor, General Vinoy, immediately declared that defeating the Prussians was no longer possible. The government’s desire to surrender became evident, and on January 27, the capitulation was formalized.
The elections to the National Assembly in February 1871 revealed a deep divide between the conservative rural electorate and the more radical Parisians. The predominantly monarchist and reactionary Assembly appointed Adolphe Thiers as the head of the government. This set the stage for an inevitable confrontation between Paris and the conservative Assembly. The National Guard, armed and emboldened, became increasingly defiant, accusing Thiers and the monarchists of treachery and calling for total resistance to defend the Republic.
The Commune Takes Shape
Tensions reached a boiling point on March 18, when Thiers attempted to disarm the National Guard by seizing their cannons. This action provoked a spontaneous uprising, with soldiers and civilians uniting to defend the cannons and, ultimately, to drive government forces out of Paris. The government fled to Versailles, leaving Paris under the control of the Central Committee of the National Guard.
The newly established Commune, officially elected on March 26, represented a diverse coalition of socialists, republicans, and radical democrats. It sought to transform Paris into a society based on social justice, democracy, and workers’ control. The Commune abolished the privileges of state officials, froze rents, and implemented progressive social reforms, such as providing aid to the poor and limiting night work.
Revolutionary Reforms and Social Change
The Paris Commune took a series of revolutionary measures that reflected its commitment to creating a more just and equitable society. It introduced a new system of governance, characterized by direct democracy and accountability. High-ranking officials were to be paid no more than a skilled worker’s wage, and all officials were subject to recall by their constituents. These measures aimed to dismantle the traditional hierarchy of power and establish a government truly representative of the people.
The Commune also sought to address the economic challenges facing workers. Factories abandoned by their owners were handed over to workers’ cooperatives, and the Commune aimed to eliminate the exploitative competition between workers. These initiatives reflected an early form of workers’ self-management, highlighting the Commune’s vision of a socialist society based on solidarity and mutual aid.
The separation of church and state was another significant achievement of the Commune. Religion was declared a private matter, and church property was repurposed for public use. This secularization was a radical departure from the traditional role of the church in French society, representing a bold step towards a more secular and egalitarian social order.
The Fall of the Commune and Its Legacy
Despite its revolutionary zeal, the Commune made several critical mistakes. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels criticized the Communards for failing to take control of the Banque de France, which Thiers used to finance his counter-revolutionary campaign. Additionally, the Commune underestimated the threat from Versailles, failing to launch a preemptive attack or adequately prepare for the inevitable assault.
When the Versailles army launched its final assault on May 21, the Commune’s defenses crumbled. Without a coherent military strategy or centralized command, the National Guard was unable to repel the attack. The fall of the Commune culminated in the “Bloody Week,” during which over 30,000 Parisians were massacred, and thousands more were imprisoned or exiled.
The Commune’s Relevance Today
The Paris Commune was the first instance of a working-class government in history. In his work, The Civil War in France, Marx explained that the Commune demonstrated that workers could not simply take over the existing state machinery but had to dismantle it and build a new state structure—a workers’ state—on its ruins. The Commune, though short-lived, provided a glimpse of what a society based on workers’ democracy and social justice might look like.
The lessons of the Paris Commune are still relevant today. The global capitalist system, with its inherent inequalities and periodic crises, continues to fail the majority of the world’s population. The struggle for a society free from exploitation and oppression is ongoing. In a world where the economic and social conditions for socialist revolution are far more developed than in the 19th century, the dream of a free and democratic socialist society that the Communards fought and died for remains within our reach.